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Monday, February 10, 2014

"What to the Slave is the Fourth of July?" Analysis of Frederick Douglass's speech, how did he construct his argument and did he argue effectively.

In his speech, What to the Slave is the ane-fourth of July?, Frederick Douglass flitionately argues that to the striver, and even to the freed Afri stem Ameri notify, the Fourth of July is no to a greater extent than a ridicule of the grossest kind. Douglas uses umpteen rhetorical strategies to convey his powerful emotions on the subject, and the end declaration is a very effectively argued referedness.         Douglass begins by asking a serial of rhetorical questions, non without the use of sarcasm. He refers to that Declaration of Independence, or else of the Declaration of Independence, to filtrate the separation between his people and those who atomic number 18 not oppressed. In the next paragraph, he continues to ask rhetorical questions. The purpose of all these questions is to give the audile sense the perspective that what is suggested is not truly so. He did not choose to give a speech on the pass that his people are reminded of the injust ice forced upon them in companionship to express gratitude and joy for the independence of the States, because he does not mete out in any of that joy, because he does not share in any of that independence. The third paragraph is where the line is visibly worn-out for the audience. No more rhetorical questions at this level off. The truth is displace out; the separation is do clear. Douglass prolifically uses the terms you and me, us and them, to stress the item that this holi twenty-four hour period is of a double-meaning, and for his people it is a day of mourning, while for the rest of them, it is a day of dip joy. In the text, much(prenominal) voice communication are italicized, meaning that while he gave the speech, he made accredited to put emphasis on these words in a way that would be comparable to power play the pressure points of his audience (you). An interesting point fag be brought up at this moment: his immediate audience during the sales talk of this sp eech in July of 1852 was comprised of white ! abolitionists. Meaning, he was addressing the people that were technically on his side, so to speak. Douglass calls for them to argue more and denounce less... sway more and talk less, your cause would be much more likely to come after(pg.2). He almost rubs it in their faces: that their proclaimed aspirations have not been tended to with the proper amount of apparent motion and attention, and that all that has been put away up to that point has failed miserably. The to a higher place quotation is comparable to saw start trying or go home. The fact that he speaks so raspingly to this particular audience wholly shows how passionately he feels for his have got people.         Back to the first page, Douglass makes a reference to the Bible. He applies his make situation to that of the one exposit by the quote. He is the one who derriere not eat up about his people. He can not express joy, when his people express their pains. His railway line is proved multipl e times with the truthful logic kick ined in his speech. It can be summed up with this: (1) This pass is to rejoice for the sake of exemption and liberty. (2) My people have no granting immunity, have no liberty. (3) You rejoice. (4) My people mourn. (5) This holiday is a travesty to us. The reference to the mockery of it all is made everyplace and over again, and with such a simply logical description, one can not possibly argue its validity.         Douglass moves on to speak of the victimizes break by the States, and how they have piled sky-high to the point of no return. He states that any just man who is not prejudice shall chequer that his words are of truth. He speaks of the Constitution, he speaks of the Bible, and he speaks of God. With such credited references keistering up his line of credit, it would almost make a man feel like the devil to even move to disagree. For the last half of his speech, Douglass addresses what he should speak of, what he should argue. He goes into detail about each! different aspect of therefore African Americans have the same inherent right to freedom as do any other human beings. nonpareil by one, he suggests he argue about the hard worker being a man, that man be entitled to liberty, that it is defile to make men brutes, and finally, that slavery is not divine. With each, he elaborates on the fact that each argument is so basic, so implicit, that it wickedness qua non not be argued. It all flows back to his own argument about the holiday on which he speaks. Freedom is the inhering right of all men. Arguing against it is like trying to run afoul a fact of science, so arguing for it is pointless because the raise is enough proof already. If a man is a man, frankincense freedom is what he is entitled to, and if this can not be seen, then arguing for it will do no good. aft(prenominal) this point is made, he makes a very powerful statement to back up this idea. For it is not light that is needed hardly crowd out up(pg.4). The light is the obvious- the arguments for the freedom of all men, but the harry is what is missing, what is desperately needed- the drastic awakening of America to its own crimes against humanity, and the arrogant of changing this, because it can not be undone, but it can except get worse. His words seem to flow with a heated fervency which could not be stopped. One could unless imagine actually hearing the speech when it was given by Douglass himself. It would make sense to compare him to a preacher, up at the podium, speaking out against the devil and his ways with fire and brimstone. His point is not made, but forced, upon the audience.         Douglass ends his amazing speech with the statement that he has been working to prove all along: The Fourth of July is a disgusting reminder to him and his people of the ongoing cruelty that America attempts to put a veil over with this mockery. While the screenland rejoice, the oppressed are driven further into sadness. His speech is a calling, a calling for change. Change! is all that America has to account for, Douglass argues, for the obscenities of the past can not be undone, and the horror of the set up must not go on. He calls for a cliff out to the damage, and for the exposure of the perpetrator: America. If you want to get a dependable essay, order it on our website: OrderCustomPaper.com

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